Home2022-01-14T20:27:35+00:00

Film Review – The Coup d’État Factory

By |18/May/2022|

The new documentary by Brazilian duo Victor Fraga and Valnei Nunes dissects the role of media in creating the conditions to dismantle democracy and pave the way for the rise of Jair Bolsonaro.

Since the 1990s, Latin America has seen the rise of a new form of coup d’état. Democracy and the ‘signs of freedom’ have become so entrenched in cultural life that the use of military force to impose a dictatorship has become archaic, out of joint. While the tried-and-tested formula remains an option – as witnessed in Bolivia in November 2019 – a more pernicious form of domination has also been elaborated, one that sits comfortably within the confines of ‘democracy.’ Indeed, the modern coup is affected without a weapon, without a drop of blood. It takes the form of a legal process, a judiciary war, without infringing on the constitutional order. Using the apparatuses of parliamentary democracy, it hides in plain sight by waging lawfare, a term coined for the abuse of law for political ends.

With a particular focus on the role of the media giant O Globo in the recent political developments of Brazil, The Coup d’État Factory‘s central aim is to expose the imbroglio between the media, politics and the judiciary system in their symbiotic attempts to coerce a political vision onto a population in order to sustain power. Through this framework, the duo of directors Victor Fraga and Valnei Nunes, discuss and lay out the tumultuous political history of the last few decades, marked by protests, scandals, coups dressed up as impeachments, samba carnivals and, finally, the rise of the far-right.

In that sense The Coup d’État Factory succeeds impeccably in providing viewers with a succinct and clear-sighted account of events – a difficult task indeed, for Fraga and Nunes have to work against the parasitic presence of Globo, which they vigorously denounce as being a factory for the distortion of ‘truth.’ The Coup d’État Factory is therefore an antagonistic work against the media conglomerates which control and manipulate the ways in which the world can relate to itself.

The film is a dynamic collage of various techniques. Fraga and Nunes interlace archive footage with ominous drone images; black and white drawings illustrate the essayistic voice-over, performed by Fraga himself, intermittently narrating amidst interviews with a varied array of commentators. They include former president Dilma Rousseff, politician Jean Wyllys, philosopher Marcia Tibara, journalist Glenn Greenwald, former mayor of London Ken Livingstone and Rousseff’s predecessor Lula Da Silva, speaking from prison, among many others.

Taking the form of an incisive exposé on journalistic malpractices, misconstructions and outright lies propagated to sabotage freedom of thought, the film deconstructs, with didactic precision, the web of fake news that has plagued Brazilian media for decades. In a brilliant introductory narration, Fraga sets up the tone for the entire documentary: in 1913, two journalists from A Noite fabricate an event for the purposes of propaganda. They plant a roulette in the middle of Carioca Square, which inevitably causes a sensation. After photographing the tumultuous

Film Review – The Coup d’État Factory

By |18/May/2022|

The new documentary by Brazilian duo Victor Fraga and Valnei Nunes dissects the role of media in creating the conditions to dismantle democracy and pave the way for the rise of Jair Bolsonaro.

Since the 1990s, Latin America has seen the rise of a new form of coup d’état. Democracy and the ‘signs of freedom’ have become so entrenched in cultural life that the use of military force to impose a dictatorship has become archaic, out of joint. While the tried-and-tested formula remains an option – as witnessed in Bolivia in November 2019 – a more pernicious form of domination has also been elaborated, one that sits comfortably within the confines of ‘democracy.’ Indeed, the modern coup is affected without a weapon, without a drop of blood. It takes the form of a legal process, a judiciary war, without infringing on the constitutional order. Using the apparatuses of parliamentary democracy, it hides in plain sight by waging lawfare, a term coined for the abuse of law for political ends.

With a particular focus on the role of the media giant O Globo in the recent political developments of Brazil, The Coup d’État Factory‘s central aim is to expose the imbroglio between the media, politics and the judiciary system in their symbiotic attempts to coerce a political vision onto a population in order to sustain power. Through this framework, the duo of directors Victor Fraga and Valnei Nunes, discuss and lay out the tumultuous political history of the last few decades, marked by protests, scandals, coups dressed up as impeachments, samba carnivals and, finally, the rise of the far-right.

In that sense The Coup d’État Factory succeeds impeccably in providing viewers with a succinct and clear-sighted account of events – a difficult task indeed, for Fraga and Nunes have to work against the parasitic presence of Globo, which they vigorously denounce as being a factory for the distortion of ‘truth.’ The Coup d’État Factory is therefore an antagonistic work against the media conglomerates which control and manipulate the ways in which the world can relate to itself.

The film is a dynamic collage of various techniques. Fraga and Nunes interlace archive footage with ominous drone images; black and white drawings illustrate the essayistic voice-over, performed by Fraga himself, intermittently narrating amidst interviews with a varied array of commentators. They include former president Dilma Rousseff, politician Jean Wyllys, philosopher Marcia Tibara, journalist Glenn Greenwald, former mayor of London Ken Livingstone and Rousseff’s predecessor Lula Da Silva, speaking from prison, among many others.

Taking the form of an incisive exposé on journalistic malpractices, misconstructions and outright lies propagated to sabotage freedom of thought, the film deconstructs, with didactic precision, the web of fake news that has plagued Brazilian media for decades. In a brilliant introductory narration, Fraga sets up the tone for the entire documentary: in 1913, two journalists from A Noite fabricate an event for the purposes of propaganda. They plant a roulette in the middle of Carioca Square, which inevitably causes a sensation. After photographing the tumultuous

Indestructible Podcast #11 – Chile, from Allende to Boric

By |18/April/2022|

In the eleventh episode of Indestructible Rodrigo interviews Alborada contributing editor Victor Figueroa Clark.

Indestructible: Latin America with Rodrigo Acuña is a new podcast from Alborada bringing you monthly discussions with some of the most interesting voices working on and from Latin America.

In this eleventh episode of Indestructible Podcast, Rodrigo speaks to Dr Victor Figueroa Clark about Chilean politics and the recent election of former student leader Gabriel Boric as president. Victor is the author of ‘Salvador Allende: Revolutionary Democrat’ (2013)

The podcast is available on Spotify and other podcast streaming websites.

Facebook / Twitter / Instagram

Please consider supporting the podcast on Patreon.

::: Episode 11:

Chile, from Allende to Boric: An Interview with Victor Figueroa Clark

Listen to episode 11 on Audioboom and a range of other podcast streaming websites

Click here to go to the Indestructible homepage.

Presented by Alborada contributing editor Rodrigo Acuña

Produced and edited by Pablo Navarrete

Music by Chylez Productions.

Please consider supporting the podcast on Patreon.

Get in touch with the podcast: info [at] alborada [dot] net

 

 

Could the Left Take Power in Colombia?

By |3/April/2022|

With progressive candidates performing strongly ahead of May’s election, the growing likelihood of Colombia’s first leftist government is built on the movement for peace and human rights.

As Colombia gears up for its presidential poll in May, the results of recent elections have shown that the Left has reorganised into a powerful electoral force banging at the door of national governance.

Whether that door can be pushed open or not will become clear when Colombians head to the polls on 29 May, with the opportunity to make history. The frontrunner for the top job is progressive senator and former mayor of Bogotá Gustavo Petro, who is running on a platform of public health, public education, environmental protection and the promotion of human rights and peace. These policies represent an antithesis to the current hard-right government of Iván Duque. If elected, Petro would become Colombia’s first leftist president.

Things are looking promising for Petro. His Historic Pact coalition held its election primaries on 13 March with almost six million votes cast – 80 per cent of them for Petro himself. Formed of leftwing and social democratic parties, the Historic Pact has unified diverse political strands and draws its base from sections of the electorate long marginalised from political influence, such as the working class, ethnic minorities, young people and rural communities.

The primaries saw a huge vote for Francia Márquez, a renowned feminist and environmental activist. In what was her first electoral outing she came second to Petro and her vote far exceeded many long-established political figures running in other coalitions. Petro then picked her as his running mate, which means Márquez could well become the first black and female vice-president of Colombia.

Márquez’s opposition to resource extraction and deforestation in her home region of Cauca elevated her to national consciousness and saw her awarded the prestigious Goldman Prize in 2018. Colombia is the world’s deadliest country for environmental activists – 65 were killed in 2020 alone – and Márquez has faced threats and attacks. Yet she refused to back down. Her resolute defence of human rights and natural resources has earned her many admirers.

The Historic Pact also made major gains in congressional elections held the same day, winning the most votes at a national level for both the Senate and the House of Representatives. Although this was an unprecedented achievement for the Left, it did not translate into a left majority in either House.

The Challenge Ahead

For any hope of a progressive agenda coming out of the presidential election, the Historic Pact will need to build alliances with traditional parties. This could prove tricky given establishment antipathy towards the Left, but it is not insurmountable; the Liberal Party exceeded expectations in its congressional vote and Petro has appealed to it in his bid for a broad alliance.

However, there will be a strong challenge from the Right. Petro’s principal rival is the former mayor of Medellín, Federico Gutiérrez, who received over two million votes in the primaries for the rightwing coalition, Team

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Residente’s ‘This is Not America’: Beautiful Art Marred by Political Immaturity 

By |30/March/2022|

Calle 13 vocalist Residente should study Victor Jara to help him distinguish between right and left more clearly.

Puerto Rican artist Residente recently released a powerful audio-visual response to Childish Gambino’s ‘This is America’, highlighting the oppressive realities lived by millions across the continent rather than just in the USA.

[To watch the ‘This is Not America’ music video click here on see below]

Whilst Residente’s latest song accurately and poignantly captures the sentiment of protest and injustice throughout Latin America, he makes false equivalences. He insinuates that the left and the right are both oppressive systems, Venezuela’s flag appearing alongside the Brazilian, Colombian and Puerto Rican flags in his video. This nod to violent rightwing protesters in Venezuela exposes an unfortunate lack of political maturity. This political immaturity has led him to support rightwing and pro-imperialist mobilisations in Cuba, calling the socialist government ‘a dictatorship.’

Those who downplay these inconsistencies by suggesting that he is just an artist and not a politician should be reminded of the late, great Victor Jara’s example. Jara’s unwavering commitment to socialism and anti-imperialism – in other words, his loyalty to the oppressed – is his legacy to us. Residente should have studied the great Chilean communist in more depth before defacing his legacy with a scene intercalated by the glorification of Venezuelan guarimberos (violent anti-government protestors). Since Residente, for whatever reason, cannot distinguish the left from the right, a severe limitation considering his influence over many millions, it is our duty to do so.

Venezuela’s recent protests that Residente supports have been led by the country’s rightwing groups and have become known as guarimbas (meaning childish games). While these Western-backed and violently hostile groups blame President Nicolás Maduro’s policies for the economic crisis that has affected the country for almost a decade, more accurate analysis has demonstrated a combination of factors. The most serious among them has been US and European sanctions that have asphyxiated the country’s economy – or attempted to as it is now on the road to recovery.

Just like the longstanding economic war against Cuba, the sanctions have little to do with a preoccupation for human or democratic rights as is usually stated, but with a nefarious struggle to overthrow a democratically-elected government that does not bow down to capitalism and imperialism. Venezuela’s people have been punished because they dared to try a different path to neoliberal capitalism.

That’s not to say that one should unconditionally support the system or the government in Venezuela; one should recognise there are limitations and errors. It’s to say that these limitations and errors are part of an experiment mandated by the majority of people in that country. Regardless of the West and the right’s disinformation, the country has consistently voted for the current government.

For Residente to compare this project to the neocolonial systems of nations like Colombia and Brazil (or even worse, colonised Puerto Rico!) is to grossly misinterpret our region’s recent political trajectory. It ignores imperialist meddling, which is at the centre of this power struggle.

Furthermore, the term ‘left’, admittedly being

WATCH – 21st Century Socialism: China and Latin America on the Frontline

By |24/March/2022|

This webinar explored the relationship between China and progressive Latin America.

Watch the full recent online event ’21st Century Socialism: China and Latin America on the Frontline’ which was supported by Alborada.

China is the world’s largest socialist country and a leading proponent of multipolarity. As such it has an indispensable role in inspiring and creating a favourable environment for the global transition to socialism. Meanwhile, in the last two decades, progressive governments and movements in Latin America have been blazing a trail in exploring new paths towards socialism in the 21st century. Friendship and cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the Latin American left is therefore an indispensable component of the global struggle for socialism and against imperialism.

This event (organised by Friends of Socialist China) explored a number of themes, including the history of friendship and solidarity between China and Latin America; the legacy of Hugo Chávez in encouraging a new era of socialist internationalism; the US’s aggression against popular movements – regime change coups, economic warfare, lawfare and destabilisation; China’s emerging role as a key partner for Latin America and the Caribbean; the growing attraction of the Belt and Road Initiative in Latin America; the place of Latin America in the US-led New Cold War; China and Latin America on the global frontlines of resisting imperialism; the renewal of diplomatic relations between China and Nicaragua; and the role of international law and the UN in pushing back against hegemony.

NOTE: The English interpretation of Dilma Rousseff’s keynote can be found here

Speakers
* Dilma Rousseff (keynote) – Former President of Brazil
* Ma Hui – China’s ambassador to Cuba
* Carlos Miguel Pereira – Cuba’s ambassador to China
* Carlos Ron – President, Simón Bolívar Institute (Venezuela)
* Jiang Shixue – Director, Center for Latin American Studies, Shanghai University (China)
* Margaret Kimberley – Executive Editor, Black Agenda Report (US)
* Ben Norton – Journalist, Multipolarista (Nicaragua)
* Camila Escalante – Reporter, Kawsachun News (Bolivia)
* Elias Jabbour – Adjunct Professor of Economics, Rio de Janeiro State University (Brazil)
* Francisco Domínguez – Secretary, Venezuela Solidarity Campaign (Britain)
* Carlos Martinez – Co-editor, Friends of Socialist China (Britain)
* Moderator: Radhika Desai – Convenor, International Manifesto Group (Canada)

Supported by
* Alborada
* CODEPINK
* Geopolitical Economy Research Group
* International Action Center
* International Manifesto Group
* Kawsachun News
* Morning Star
* Multipolarista

 

Indestructible Podcast #10 – Venezuela: The Cost of Challenging an Empire

By |23/February/2022|

In the tenth episode of Indestructible Rodrigo interviews analysts Dan Kovalik, Danny Shaw and Ricardo Vaz.

Indestructible: Latin America with Rodrigo Acuña is a new podcast from Alborada bringing you monthly discussions with some of the most interesting voices working on and from Latin America.

In the tenth episode of Indestructible Podcast, Rodrigo introduces clips from interviews Dan Kovalik, Danny Shaw and Ricardo Vaz, three English-language analysts on Venezuela. They were interviewed for the upcoming documentary Rodrigo is producing with journalist Nicholas Ford titled ‘Venezuela: The Cost of Challenging an Empire’.

The podcast is available on Spotify and other podcast streaming websites.

Facebook / Twitter / Instagram

Please consider supporting the podcast on Patreon.

::: Episode 10:

The Making of ‘Venezuela: The Cost of Challenging an Empire’

Listen to episode 10 on Audioboom and range of other podcast streaming websites

Click here to go to the Indestructible homepage.

Presented by Alborada contributing editor Rodrigo Acuña

Produced and edited by Pablo Navarrete

Music by Chylez Productions.

Please consider supporting the podcast on Patreon.

Get in touch with the podcast: info [at] alborada [dot] net

What Will Gabriel Boric Mean for Canadian Mining in Chile?

By |3/February/2022|

Canada’s interests in the Chilean economy, which brought close relations with the Pinochet dictatorship, will have its government hoping that Gabriel Boric does not rock the boat around extractive investment.

The recent election of Gabriel Boric, a member of the leftwing electoral coalition Apruebo Dignidad, to the Chilean presidency is historic for many reasons. He will be the first leftist head of state in Chile since the election of Salvador Allende in 1970, and while Boric seems to lack the dogged Marxist principles of Allende, his success is nevertheless laudable given: one) the history of free market economics that have dominated the country since General Augusto Pinochet’s coup in September 1973, and two) the fact that Boric’s opponent, José Antonio Kast, was a hard-right politician who presented himself as a defender of Pinochet’s legacy and the inheritor of his neoliberal agenda. The fact that Chileans voted 56 per cent to reject that legacy and agenda is an important victory for progressives, socialists, and communists alike.

Boric’s general election victory came approximately one year after 78 per cent of Chilean voters demanded the drafting of a new constitution to replace the neoliberal Pinochet-era constitution that had remained in place since 1980, long after the unelected general’s removal. When Boric assumes the presidency in March 2022, his defining battles will be domestic: notably, he will be presiding over the final drafting of the new constitution that will decide Chile’s future political, economic, and social orientation. This will be a time-consuming process, and one that will pit his progressive coalition against the rightwing forces of reaction that still comprise much of the country’s political establishment, as well as a substantial portion of the electorate (it is worth remembering that 45 per cent of general election voters chose Kast, Pinochet’s defender, over the social democrat Boric).

Nevertheless, the historic significance of Boric’s domestic struggles does not mean one has to refrain from analysing – and criticising – the gradually clarifying contours of his government’s stance on transnational investment. And when one analyses transnational investments in Chile, one has to analyse the political economy of mining – and when one analyses the political economy of mining, one has to discuss the role of Canadian mining companies in Chile since 1973.

Timothy David Clark describes mining as ‘the motor of [Chile’s] development and party to its plunder.’ The country is endowed with plentiful stores of gold, silver, iron, selenium, iodine, lithium, nitrate and more, but since the early twentieth century, copper has been Chile’s most lucrative export, accounting for around 85 per cent of mining export value by the early 2000s. These mineral reserves have long been dominated by foreign capital. During the height of Chilean nitrate exploitation in the late 1800s and early 1900s, British capitalists controlled much of the industry. These powerful industrialists even financed a rebellion against President José Manuel Balmaceda, a nationalist who argued that Chile’s mineral wealth should be used for the country’s own industrial development.

During the early twentieth century, copper slowly supplanted nitrate

Free Abortion Across Borders

By |25/January/2022|

Following Mexico’s Supreme Court ruling to decriminalise abortion, feminists in the country continue to help people access care. Their work can serve as a model for US activists navigating the limits of state health services.

While abortion was being decriminalised in Mexico, advocates north of the border in the US were dealing with devastating setbacks. Now is the time to revive cross-border solidarity networks and deepen a transnational reproductive justice movement that centres bodily autonomy and diverse, dignified options for pregnant people.

Crystal, an abortion acompañante from Mexico, has a green bandana attached to her backpack that signals her involvement in the marea verde, the ‘green wave’ of reproductive rights activism gaining momentum throughout Latin America. In her bag she carries pamphlets from the Tijuana Safe Abortion Network and Las Bloodys, the feminist collective she helped found. Designed to fold up into a neat rectangle that slips discreetly into a back pocket, the pamphlets provide details for how to self-administer an abortion safely, avoiding legal and medical risks.

On 7 September 2021, Mexico’s Supreme Court decriminalised abortion, which until last month was illegal in the state of Baja California, where Crystal lives, and in much of the rest of the country. The recent ruling will eventually allow increased access to abortion care and free the women imprisoned under prior laws, often just for being suspected of intentionally terminating a pregnancy. But it will take some time for the ruling to take effect throughout Mexico’s 32 states, especially the 17 that have constitutional amendments that declare that life starts at conception. And though the ruling protects abortion-seekers from being prosecuted, it does not guarantee universal access. While the reproductive rights movement in Mexico has been waiting for this decision for a long time, ‘nothing much will change for us,’ Crystal told me after the news broke. ‘Legalisation has never been our end goal.’

‘Our work won’t stop until abortion is free,’ she continued. ‘Queremos el aborto libre’ (We want free abortion). Crystal clarified that aborto libre didn’t just mean free of charge; it also means free as in liberated, free from stigma, free from medicalised control and legal restrictions, free for pregnant people to make the best decision for themselves. In the years leading up to the September decision, collectives of acompañantes like Las Bloodys, Las Confidentas, and Las Libres provided emotional, logistical and even medical support to people seeking abortions. This informal network is redefining the struggle for reproductive justice.

While abortion was being decriminalised in Mexico, advocates north of the border were dealing with devastating setbacks: Texas’s Senate Bill 8, which severely restricts abortion access in the state, and the Supreme Court’s announcement that it would hear arguments on Mississippi’s ban on abortion after fifteen weeks of pregnancy – a direct challenge to Roe v Wade. In this difficult moment, the acompañantes movement in Mexico can teach US activists about grassroots mobilising where restricted access is the norm. Their flexible and holistic model of abortion care anticipates the limits of state health services and the formal medical establishment. Now is the

Ten Reasons Why OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro Has to Go

By |19/January/2022|

While the US-influenced Organization of American States has never been a friend to the peoples of the Americas, current secretary general Luis Almagro is quite possibly the worst leader since it was founded in 1948.

The Organization of American States (OAS) has never been a friend to the peoples of the Americas. This institution, ostensibly a space for multilateralism, has instead always been a tool for the US Department of State. As Fidel Castro said in 1962, it is nothing but the US Ministry of Colonies. That is truer now than ever before under the leadership of Secretary General Luis Almagro, who has been at the helm since March 2015. He is quite possibly the worst leader since the OAS was founded [1] in 1948.

Here are ten reasons Almagro has to go:

1) Almagro and the OAS lit the fuse for the 2019 coup in Bolivia. They falsely claimed the presidential results showing Evo Morales being re-elected were ‘inexplicable’, which set off unrest and activated a plot that overthrew him. These claims were so thoroughly debunked that members of the US Congress requested an investigation into the OAS’ role in the coup. Almagro immediately recognised the coup government, which committed ‘summary executions and widespread repression’ [2] during its year in power. After saying nothing about the coup regime’s victims, the OAS issued a statement condemning Bolivia’s judicial system the day after coup leader Jeanine Añez was arrested. This blatant interference in the domestic affairs of a member state runs counter to the OAS charter and led Mexico to chastise the OAS [3] for its behaviour towards Bolivia.

2) Almagro’s cravenness helped legitimise four more years of the Honduran narco-dictatorship led by Juan Orlando Hernández. The 2017 elections in Honduras were actually riddled with fraud, and initially, Almagro and the OAS did the right thing: they denounced the fraud and called for new elections. But the Trump administration was happy with the results and recognised the elections. Within a month, Almagro backtracked, which ‘called his own credibility into question’ according to diplomat [4] Sir Ronald Sanders. Despite the documented crimes of the Juan Orlando Hernández regime, Almagro embraced and legitimised the Honduran government.

3) Almagro continued the OAS’s long history of interfering in Haiti [5]. In 2020, when President Jovenel Moïse ruled without a parliament and gave himself an extra year on his term, the OAS issued a press release telling Haitians they should ‘comply’ [6]. Almagro, acting without the approval of OAS member states, sent a delegation to Haiti (which was in the country for just five hours [7]) to prop up the Moïse government in the face of intensifying protests. Just before Moïse’s assassination in 2021, the OAS recommended that he appoint a new prime minister and set elections before the end of the year – precisely what the majority of Haitians did not want.

4) Almagro embraced the 2016 coup and the Temer regime in Brazil. Right after a meeting with Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff before her impeachment, Almagro denounced [8] the proceedings

Photography

Kiev, 26 May 2018

By |27/May/2018|

Liverpool supporters attending the Champions League final carry banners in solidarity with Brazilian former president Lula Da Silva and Catalan political prisoners. Polls show that if Lula ran in this year’s presidential election, he would win by a landslide and restore the Workers’ Party to government.

Video

Chile’s Student Uprising (Documentary)

By |2/April/2020|

Watch this documentary on the student protest movement in Chile in 2011 (Director Roberto Navarrete, 35 mins, Alborada Films, 2014).

Mass student protests took place in Chile between 2011 and 2013 demanding a free and state-funded education system and radical change in society. The documentary puts these protests in their historical context of widespread dissatisfaction with the economic model put in place under the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990), but that still remains largely in place.

The film’s director travelled to Chile between 2011 and 2013 to speak to then student leaders (now Members of Congress) such as Camila Vallejo and Giorgio Jackson, and also to other students, to explore why their protests had caused such effect in Chile and inspired others in the country and beyond.

“Roberto Navarrete’s is the most complete and compelling visual account of Chile’s student uprising to date. All the lessons from Patricio Guzmán’s path-breaking style of documenting in film are there: poetic visuals, an engaged narrative, the focus on personal feelings and stories combined with subtle and accessible analysis, plus a sense of the tragic tempered by the optimism of the will. Navarrete adds to it the passion and distance of the exile’s gaze, and a Latin American Beckettian flare for celebration while thinking. This is a must see for all those interested in the current sway of global rebellions that show us all the shape of things to come. Superb!”

Dr Oscar Guardiola-Rivera, Professor in Law, Birbeck, University of London and author of ‘Story of a Death Foretold: The Coup Against Salvador Allende, September 11th, 1973’

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Video

Chile’s Student Uprising (Documentary)

By |2/April/2020|

Watch this documentary on the student protest movement in Chile in 2011 (Director Roberto Navarrete, 35 mins, Alborada Films, 2014).

Mass student protests took place in Chile between 2011 and 2013 demanding a free and state-funded education system and radical change in society. The documentary puts these protests in their historical context of widespread dissatisfaction with the economic model put in place under the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990), but that still remains largely in place.

The film’s director travelled to Chile between 2011 and 2013 to speak to then student leaders (now Members of Congress) such as Camila Vallejo and Giorgio Jackson, and also to other students, to explore why their protests had caused such effect in Chile and inspired others in the country and beyond.

“Roberto Navarrete’s is the most complete and compelling visual account of Chile’s student uprising to date. All the lessons from Patricio Guzmán’s path-breaking style of documenting in film are there: poetic visuals, an engaged narrative, the focus on personal feelings and stories combined with subtle and accessible analysis, plus a sense of the tragic tempered by the optimism of the will. Navarrete adds to it the passion and distance of the exile’s gaze, and a Latin American Beckettian flare for celebration while thinking. This is a must see for all those interested in the current sway of global rebellions that show us all the shape of things to come. Superb!”

Dr Oscar Guardiola-Rivera, Professor in Law, Birbeck, University of London and author of ‘Story of a Death Foretold: The Coup Against Salvador Allende, September 11th, 1973’

Chile’s Student Uprising (Documentary)

By |2/April/2020|

Watch this documentary on the student protest movement in Chile in 2011 (Director Roberto Navarrete, 35 mins, Alborada Films, 2014).

Mass student protests took place in Chile between 2011 and 2013 demanding a free and state-funded education system and radical change in society. The documentary puts these protests in their historical context of widespread dissatisfaction with the economic model put in place under the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990), but that still remains largely in place.

The film’s director travelled to Chile between 2011 and 2013 to speak to then student leaders (now Members of Congress) such as Camila Vallejo and Giorgio Jackson, and also to other students, to explore why their protests had caused such effect in Chile and inspired others in the country and beyond.

“Roberto Navarrete’s is the most complete and compelling visual account of Chile’s student uprising to date. All the lessons from Patricio Guzmán’s path-breaking style of documenting in film are there: poetic visuals, an engaged narrative, the focus on personal feelings and stories combined with subtle and accessible analysis, plus a sense of the tragic tempered by the optimism of the will. Navarrete adds to it the passion and distance of the exile’s gaze, and a Latin American Beckettian flare for celebration while thinking. This is a must see for all those interested in the current sway of global rebellions that show us all the shape of things to come. Superb!”

Dr Oscar Guardiola-Rivera, Professor in Law, Birbeck, University of London and author of ‘Story of a Death Foretold: The Coup Against Salvador Allende, September 11th, 1973’